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I FIRST visited China in 1979, a few months after our countries normalized relations. China was just beginning to remake its economy, and I was in the first Senate delegation to witness this evolution. Traveling through the country last month, I could see how much China had changed in 32 years — and yet the debate about its remarkable rise remains familiar.
Then, as now, there were concerns about what a growing China meant to America and the world. Some here and in the region see China’s growth as a threat, entertaining visions of a cold-war-style rivalry or great-power confrontation. Some Chinese worry that our aim in the Asia-Pacific is to contain China’s rise.
I reject these views. We are clear-eyed about concerns like China’s growing military abilities and intentions; that is why we are engaging with the Chinese military to understand and shape their thinking. It is why the president has directed the United States, with our allies, to keep a strong presence in the region. As I told China’s leaders and people, America is a Pacific power and will remain one.
But, I remain convinced that a successful China can make our country more prosperous, not less.
As trade and investment bind us together, we have a stake in each other’s success. On issues from global security to global economic growth, we share common challenges and responsibilities — and we have incentives to work together. That is why our administration has worked to put our relationship on a stable footing. I am convinced, from nearly a dozen hours spent with Vice President Xi Jinping, that China’s leadership agrees.
We often focus on Chinese exports to America, but last year American companies exported more than $100 billion worth of goods and services to China, supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs here. In fact, our exports to China have been growing much faster than our exports to the rest of the world.
The Chinese leaders I met with know their country must shift from an economy driven by exports, investment and heavy industry to one driven more by consumption and services. This includes continued steps to revalue their currency and to provide fair access to their markets. As Americans save more and Chinese buy more, this transition will accelerate, opening opportunities for us.
Even as the United States and China cooperate, we also compete. I strongly believe that the United States can and will flourish from this competition.
First, we need to keep China’s rising economic power in perspective. According to the International Monetary Fund, America’s gross domestic product, almost $15 trillion, is still more than twice as large as China’s; our per-capita G.D.P., above $47,000, is 11 times China’s.
And while there is a lot of talk about China’s “owning” America’s debt, the truth is that Americans own America’s debt. China holds just 8 percent of outstanding Treasury securities. By comparison, Americans hold nearly 70 percent. Our unshakable commitment to honoring our financial obligations is for the sake of Americans, as well as for those overseas. It is why the United States has never defaulted on its obligations and never will.
Maybe more important, the nature of 21st-century competition favors the United States. In the 20th century, we measured a nation’s wealth primarily by its natural resources, its land mass, its population and its army. In the 21st century, the true wealth of a nation is found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate.
As I told students in Chengdu, the United States is hard-wired for innovation. Competition is in the very fabric of our society. It has enabled each generation of Americans to give life to world-changing ideas — from the cotton gin to the airplane, the microchip, the Internet.
We owe our strength to our political and economic system and to the way we educate our children — not merely to accept established orthodoxy but to challenge and improve it. We not only tolerate but celebrate free expression and vigorous debate. The rule of law protects private property, lends predictability to investments, and ensures accountability for poor and wealthy alike. Our universities remain the ultimate destination for the world’s students and scholars. And we welcome immigrants with skill, ambition and the desire to better their lives.
America’s strengths are, for now, China’s weaknesses. In China, I argued that for it to make the transition to an innovation economy, it will have to open its system, not least to human rights. Fundamental rights are universal, and China’s people aspire to them. Liberty unlocks a people’s full potential, while its absence breeds unrest. Open and free societies are best at promoting long-term growth, stability, prosperity and innovation.
We have our own work to do. We need to ensure that any American willing to work can find a good job. We need to keep attracting the world’s top talent. We must continue to invest in the fundamental sources of our strength: education, infrastructure and innovation. But our future is in our own hands. If we take bold steps, there is no reason America won’t emerge stronger than ever.
As vice president, I’ve traveled half a million miles around the world. I always come home feeling the same confidence in our future. Some may warn of America’s demise, but I’m not among them. And let me reassure you: based on my time in China, neither are the Chinese.
Joseph R. Biden Jr. is the vice president of the United States.
from The New York Times
中国崛起不是美国的终结
乔•拜登 文 谭利娅 译
美国《纽约时报》9月7日发表美国副总统拜登的文章，原题：中国的崛起不代表我们的终结 我第一次访问中国是在1979年，当时距离我们两国实现关系正常化只有几个月时间。当时中国刚开始实行经济改革，我正是见证这一演变过程的首个美国参议院代表团的成员。通过上个月去中国访问，我能发现32年间中国发生了多么大的改变。
现在，一些人担忧一个不断发展的中国对美国和世界将意味着什么。美国及该地区的一些人将中国的经济增长视为一种威胁，并喜欢那种“冷战”对峙或大国对抗的论调。中国的一些人也担心，我们在亚太地区存在的目的是遏制中国的崛起。
我反对这些观点。我们很清楚人们对中国日益增长的军事能力和意图的担忧，这也是我们为什么与中国军方接触并了解他们的想法的原因，同时也是为什么美国总统指示我们应与盟友在该地区保持存在的原因。就如同我已经告诉中国的那样，美国现在是个太平洋大国，未来也将仍然是。
不过，我仍然坚信，一个成功的中国可以使我们的国家更加繁荣。当贸易与投资把我们联系到一起，各自的成功也对彼此休戚相关。从全球安全到全球经济增长这种种问题上，中美面临着共同的挑战与责任，我们也有动机共同合作。这也是为什么美国政府在一直努力稳固中美关系的基础。
我们往往关注中国对美国的出口，但去年美国公司向中国出口了价值超过1000亿美元的商品和服务，给美国数以千计的工作岗位形成支持。事实上，我们对中国的出口增长速度远远超过我们对世界其它地区的出口。
即使在美国和中国在进行合作，我们也正参与竞争。我坚信美国能够，并且将会从这场竞争中获得蓬勃发展。
首先，我们需要正确看待中国的经济力量增长。据国际货币基金组织的数字，美国国内生产总值近15万亿美元，这是中国的两倍以上；我们的人均国内生产总值超过4.7万美元，是中国的11倍。
虽然有很多人在讨论中国“持有”美国的债务，但其实，美国的债务在美国人自己手中。中国仅持有8%的优秀美国国债。相比之下，美国人持有近70%。我们坚持承诺要履行我们的财政义务是其实是为了美国人，以及那些海外持有者的利益。这正是为什么美国从不拖欠的义务并且未来也不会拖欠的原因。
也许更重要的是，21世纪竞争的性质有利于美国。在20世纪，我们衡量一个国家的财富主要是通过它的自然资源、陆地面积、人口和军队。在21世纪，一个国家真正的财富将在于其国民的创造性意志，和创造能力。
正如我在中国成都给大学生演讲中说的那样，美国到处都有创新。竞争存在于我们社会的任何一个组织。它令每一代美国人都能创造出随世界变化而变化的新想法——从轧棉机到飞机、芯片，再到互联网。
我们的实力来源于我们的社会制度和教育孩子的方式——不仅仅是接受既定的正统做法，还要挑战和提高它。我们可以接受自由的表达和激烈的辩论。我们的大学一直是全世界学生和学者的最终目的地。
作为副总统，我已经走遍了全球80万公里的路程。每当我回国后，我都对我们的未来充满信心。有些人可能会警告美国正在灭亡，但我不是持这种观点的人，并且让(请允许)我向你们保证：根据我在中国的访问经历，中国人也不这么认为。
Then, as now, there were concerns about what a growing China meant to America and the world. Some here and in the region see China’s growth as a threat, entertaining visions of a cold-war-style rivalry or great-power confrontation. Some Chinese worry that our aim in the Asia-Pacific is to contain China’s rise.
I reject these views. We are clear-eyed about concerns like China’s growing military abilities and intentions; that is why we are engaging with the Chinese military to understand and shape their thinking. It is why the president has directed the United States, with our allies, to keep a strong presence in the region. As I told China’s leaders and people, America is a Pacific power and will remain one.
But, I remain convinced that a successful China can make our country more prosperous, not less.
As trade and investment bind us together, we have a stake in each other’s success. On issues from global security to global economic growth, we share common challenges and responsibilities — and we have incentives to work together. That is why our administration has worked to put our relationship on a stable footing. I am convinced, from nearly a dozen hours spent with Vice President Xi Jinping, that China’s leadership agrees.
We often focus on Chinese exports to America, but last year American companies exported more than $100 billion worth of goods and services to China, supporting hundreds of thousands of jobs here. In fact, our exports to China have been growing much faster than our exports to the rest of the world.
The Chinese leaders I met with know their country must shift from an economy driven by exports, investment and heavy industry to one driven more by consumption and services. This includes continued steps to revalue their currency and to provide fair access to their markets. As Americans save more and Chinese buy more, this transition will accelerate, opening opportunities for us.
Even as the United States and China cooperate, we also compete. I strongly believe that the United States can and will flourish from this competition.
First, we need to keep China’s rising economic power in perspective. According to the International Monetary Fund, America’s gross domestic product, almost $15 trillion, is still more than twice as large as China’s; our per-capita G.D.P., above $47,000, is 11 times China’s.
And while there is a lot of talk about China’s “owning” America’s debt, the truth is that Americans own America’s debt. China holds just 8 percent of outstanding Treasury securities. By comparison, Americans hold nearly 70 percent. Our unshakable commitment to honoring our financial obligations is for the sake of Americans, as well as for those overseas. It is why the United States has never defaulted on its obligations and never will.
Maybe more important, the nature of 21st-century competition favors the United States. In the 20th century, we measured a nation’s wealth primarily by its natural resources, its land mass, its population and its army. In the 21st century, the true wealth of a nation is found in the creative minds of its people and their ability to innovate.
As I told students in Chengdu, the United States is hard-wired for innovation. Competition is in the very fabric of our society. It has enabled each generation of Americans to give life to world-changing ideas — from the cotton gin to the airplane, the microchip, the Internet.
We owe our strength to our political and economic system and to the way we educate our children — not merely to accept established orthodoxy but to challenge and improve it. We not only tolerate but celebrate free expression and vigorous debate. The rule of law protects private property, lends predictability to investments, and ensures accountability for poor and wealthy alike. Our universities remain the ultimate destination for the world’s students and scholars. And we welcome immigrants with skill, ambition and the desire to better their lives.
America’s strengths are, for now, China’s weaknesses. In China, I argued that for it to make the transition to an innovation economy, it will have to open its system, not least to human rights. Fundamental rights are universal, and China’s people aspire to them. Liberty unlocks a people’s full potential, while its absence breeds unrest. Open and free societies are best at promoting long-term growth, stability, prosperity and innovation.
We have our own work to do. We need to ensure that any American willing to work can find a good job. We need to keep attracting the world’s top talent. We must continue to invest in the fundamental sources of our strength: education, infrastructure and innovation. But our future is in our own hands. If we take bold steps, there is no reason America won’t emerge stronger than ever.
As vice president, I’ve traveled half a million miles around the world. I always come home feeling the same confidence in our future. Some may warn of America’s demise, but I’m not among them. And let me reassure you: based on my time in China, neither are the Chinese.
Joseph R. Biden Jr. is the vice president of the United States.
from The New York Times
中国崛起不是美国的终结
乔•拜登 文 谭利娅 译
美国《纽约时报》9月7日发表美国副总统拜登的文章，原题：中国的崛起不代表我们的终结 我第一次访问中国是在1979年，当时距离我们两国实现关系正常化只有几个月时间。当时中国刚开始实行经济改革，我正是见证这一演变过程的首个美国参议院代表团的成员。通过上个月去中国访问，我能发现32年间中国发生了多么大的改变。
现在，一些人担忧一个不断发展的中国对美国和世界将意味着什么。美国及该地区的一些人将中国的经济增长视为一种威胁，并喜欢那种“冷战”对峙或大国对抗的论调。中国的一些人也担心，我们在亚太地区存在的目的是遏制中国的崛起。
我反对这些观点。我们很清楚人们对中国日益增长的军事能力和意图的担忧，这也是我们为什么与中国军方接触并了解他们的想法的原因，同时也是为什么美国总统指示我们应与盟友在该地区保持存在的原因。就如同我已经告诉中国的那样，美国现在是个太平洋大国，未来也将仍然是。
不过，我仍然坚信，一个成功的中国可以使我们的国家更加繁荣。当贸易与投资把我们联系到一起，各自的成功也对彼此休戚相关。从全球安全到全球经济增长这种种问题上，中美面临着共同的挑战与责任，我们也有动机共同合作。这也是为什么美国政府在一直努力稳固中美关系的基础。
我们往往关注中国对美国的出口，但去年美国公司向中国出口了价值超过1000亿美元的商品和服务，给美国数以千计的工作岗位形成支持。事实上，我们对中国的出口增长速度远远超过我们对世界其它地区的出口。
即使在美国和中国在进行合作，我们也正参与竞争。我坚信美国能够，并且将会从这场竞争中获得蓬勃发展。
首先，我们需要正确看待中国的经济力量增长。据国际货币基金组织的数字，美国国内生产总值近15万亿美元，这是中国的两倍以上；我们的人均国内生产总值超过4.7万美元，是中国的11倍。
虽然有很多人在讨论中国“持有”美国的债务，但其实，美国的债务在美国人自己手中。中国仅持有8%的优秀美国国债。相比之下，美国人持有近70%。我们坚持承诺要履行我们的财政义务是其实是为了美国人，以及那些海外持有者的利益。这正是为什么美国从不拖欠的义务并且未来也不会拖欠的原因。
也许更重要的是，21世纪竞争的性质有利于美国。在20世纪，我们衡量一个国家的财富主要是通过它的自然资源、陆地面积、人口和军队。在21世纪，一个国家真正的财富将在于其国民的创造性意志，和创造能力。
正如我在中国成都给大学生演讲中说的那样，美国到处都有创新。竞争存在于我们社会的任何一个组织。它令每一代美国人都能创造出随世界变化而变化的新想法——从轧棉机到飞机、芯片，再到互联网。
我们的实力来源于我们的社会制度和教育孩子的方式——不仅仅是接受既定的正统做法，还要挑战和提高它。我们可以接受自由的表达和激烈的辩论。我们的大学一直是全世界学生和学者的最终目的地。
作为副总统，我已经走遍了全球80万公里的路程。每当我回国后，我都对我们的未来充满信心。有些人可能会警告美国正在灭亡，但我不是持这种观点的人，并且让(请允许)我向你们保证：根据我在中国的访问经历，中国人也不这么认为。