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博夏特主张形式的美学迫切性,将非自律艺术限定为权力的实际表达;劳伦斯认为危机在于真实性自身的特殊特征及其感官的枯萎、本性的破坏和美的消失。两人的共同特征是以艺术的人格化解决现代性的破碎整体,其基石是瓦尔特·本雅明后来称之为“政治审美化”的范畴。卢卡奇指出整体性的缺失影响着艺术作品的建构,要求形式的世界——美学——成为可以投射到碎片化世界的连续模型,本雅明的探讨保留了卢卡奇的某些元素。本雅明为通俗艺术形式辩护,对普遍意义上的技术进步,特别是对电影的解放力量明显充满信心。其法西斯主义批评将其美学判断转入政治领域。在他看来,社会现代化的解放潜力受到法西斯主义的妨碍,法西斯主义调用美学范畴来阻止传统社会秩序的解体。本雅明将法西斯主义指称为政治审美化,不过这一定义最终太过狭隘,同时又可能过于宽泛。
Bo Xiet advocated a form of aesthetic urgency, the non-self-regulatory art limited to the actual expression of power; Lawrence that the crisis lies in the special characteristics of its authenticity and its senses withered, destruction of nature and the disappearance of beauty. The common feature of both is the fragmentation of modernity solved by the personification of art, the cornerstone of which Walter Benjamin later calls “political aestheticization.” Lukacs pointed out that the lack of integrity affected the construction of works of art, demanding a formal world - aesthetics - as a continuous model that could project into a fragmented world. Benjamin’s discussion preserved certain elements of Lukacs. Benjamin defended the popular art form and was obviously full of confidence in technological progress in the general sense and in particular the liberation of the film. Its fascist critique turns its aesthetic judgment into the political field. In his opinion, the liberation potential of social modernization is hampered by fascism. Fascism calls on the category of aesthetics to prevent the disintegration of the traditional social order. Benjamin referred to fascism as political aesthetics, though the definition ends up too narrow and at the same time overly broad.